Strive to compose a new chapter in the high-quality development of Shanghai's private economy, revisit the history of the Party. Private entrepreneurs | national bourgeoisie | private economy

General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out at the 2022 Central United Front work Conference: "We must promote the healthy development of the non-public economy and the healthy growth of people in the non-public economy." when visiting the members of the Democratic Construction and the Federation of Industry and Commerce who attended the first session of the 14th CPPCC National Committee, and attending the joint group meeting, he stressed: "We always regard private enterprises and private entrepreneurs as our own people and give support to private enterprises when they encounter difficulties. Give guidance when private enterprises encounter confusion. " On May 24 this year, at the Shanghai Conference on promoting the High-quality Development of the Private economy and the sixth Shanghai excellent Builders of Socialism with Chinese characteristics, Chen Jining, Secretary of the Municipal CPC Committee, further stressed: "it is necessary to fully implement Xi Jinping's thought of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era and the spirit of the 20th CPC National Congress, vigorously boost the development confidence of private enterprises, and strive to optimize the development environment of private enterprises. Better guide private entrepreneurs to carry forward the spirit of entrepreneurship, fulfill their social responsibilities, and strive to write a new chapter in the high-quality development of Shanghai's private economy. General Secretary Xi Jinping's important thought on doing well the party's United front work in the new era, as an important part of the party's innovation theory, is "the wisdom crystallization of the party's United front development history of one hundred years". Reviewing the source and formation history of the party's theory on private economy is of great guiding significance to strive to write a new chapter in the high-quality development of Shanghai's private economy.

one

Since its establishment, the CPC has gradually deepened its understanding of the idea of unity and alliance. In the early days of the founding of the Party, there was a question of how to view the position and role of the national bourgeoisie in the Chinese revolution. Throughout the history of modern China, the Chinese national bourgeoisie emerged with the emergence of modern national industry. Due to the harsh environment of internal and external troubles, the character of the Chinese national bourgeoisie has duality: on the one hand, due to its emergence in the semi colonial and semi feudal society of old China, the national bourgeoisie inevitably had intricate connections with imperialism and feudalism, which determined its weakness and compromise in character. At the same time, due to the dual suppression of imperialism and feudalism during its emergence and development, it also has a revolutionary side in its character. During the period of the new democratic revolution, the CPC experienced a tortuous process in its understanding of the dual nature of the national bourgeoisie and how to deal with the relationship with the national bourgeoisie, and made right-wing and "left-wing" mistakes. The right-wing erroneous line represented by Chen Duxiu once exaggerated the leadership position of the national bourgeoisie in the revolution, "sending out" the revolutionary leadership, and ultimately led to the failure of the Great Revolution; The "leftist" erroneous line represented by Wang Ming emphasized "unity" in the issue of the united front, adopting a policy of opposing the national bourgeoisie and excluding the petty bourgeoisie, which led to the failure of the "Fifth Anti Encirclement Campaign" and forced the Central and Red Army to carry out the Long March.

After the bloody lesson of the "412" counter revolutionary coup and the bitter lesson of the failure of the "fifth counter encirclement and suppression", the CPC has left profound lessons. It is necessary to rely on the masses of workers and peasants, win over the middle, expose, isolate and attack the Rightists. The report "On the Strategy to Oppose Japanese Imperialism" made by Mao Zedong at the Party's Activist Conference in Wayaobao in December 1935 marked a significant turning point in the Party's understanding of the national bourgeoisie. Its contribution was to distinguish the national bourgeoisie from the landlord and comprador classes, correct the long-term exclusion of private economy in base area construction, and eliminate the "left" errors of capitalism. It broke the dogmatic shackles of treating the national bourgeoisie as the most dangerous enemy in the past, and provided important theoretical basis for the establishment of the anti Japanese national united front. By February 1940, Mao Zedong's publication of "New Democracy Theory" had further deepened the Party's understanding of the role of the national bourgeoisie status and became an important component of Mao Zedong's united front ideology, greatly promoting the development of the Party's anti Japanese national united front cause.

two

In 1952, at the National Conference of United Front Work Ministers held by the United Front Work Department of the Communist Party of China, Zhou Enlai emphasized on the issue of China's national bourgeoisie that we Communist Party members must understand this dialectical relationship. We must give full play to the enthusiasm of the bourgeoisie and enable it to develop economic undertakings that are beneficial to the national economy and people's livelihood, so that our economy can develop faster. Only by clarifying this point can we properly solve the problem of the bourgeoisie. Our policy towards the bourgeoisie is a policy of unity and transformation. Don't adopt a fearful attitude, a hasty attitude, or a passive and perfunctory attitude in your work. Instead, adopt a firm, steady, and cautious attitude.

During the period of reform, opening up and socialist modernization, with the continuous advance of the exploration and practice of China's socialist market economy, the non-public economy is developing rapidly, and the ranks of non-public economic figures are also expanding. The CPC must effectively unite the new social strata and social groups around itself to consolidate the party's class foundation, expand the party's mass base, and consolidate the party's ruling position. This requires a correct understanding and grasp of the role of non-public economy and non-public economic figures in the reform, opening up and socialist modernization from both theoretical and practical perspectives, targeting entrepreneurs and technicians of private scientific and technological enterprises, management and technical personnel employed by foreign-funded enterprises, self-employed households, and private enterprises that appear in social reform. In the speech delivered by Jiang Zemin at the conference celebrating the 80th anniversary of the founding of the CPC in 2001, the practitioners of the main and intermediary organizations, freelancers and other social strata clearly put forward the new conclusion that "they are all builders of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics". On March 14, 2004, the Second Session of the Tenth National People's Congress passed the amendment to the Constitution of the People's Republic of China, which was announced and implemented by the National People's Congress. It explicitly included "builders of the socialist cause" in the Constitution of the People's Republic of China. In 2007, the 17th National Congress of the Communist Party of China included it in the Party Constitution.

three

This year marks the 74th anniversary of the liberation of Shanghai. Reviewing the work carried out by Mayor Chen Yi in the Shanghai business community at that time fully reflects the Party's business policy.

Since modern times, Shanghai has been China's largest industrial and commercial center, as well as the birthplace of the CPC and the place where the party's united front policy was put forward. There are a number of influential business representatives who have worked together with the CPC, such as Sheng Pihua, Hu Juewen, Rong Yiren, Guo Dihu, Liu Jingji, etc. On May 27, 1949, Shanghai returned to the embrace of the people. At that time, the Nationalist Party left a mess for the people of Shanghai. Most private factories in the city could not start production, and even the enterprises that could start production were empty of inventory and material scarcity. It can be said that the Shanghai economy was on the brink of collapse at that time. One important task for Mayor Chen Yi, who was tasked with facing a crisis, is to establish the confidence of Shanghai businessmen in the new Chinese government, that is, to reassure capitalists. Mayor Chen Yi resolutely implemented the instructions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Shanghai's work: after entering Shanghai, the united front work of the national bourgeoisie was an important issue. This was a crucial task in stabilizing the overall situation in the early stage of Shanghai's liberation and gradually transforming the "adventurer's paradise" into a socialist new city.

Mayor Chen Yi, in accordance with the requirements of the Party Central Committee, first convened a symposium for business representatives. He instructed the United Front Work Department to draft representatives to attend the meeting, requiring them to take into account all aspects and send invitations in the name of the municipal government, solemnly inviting more than 300 representatives including Sheng Pihua, Hu Juewen, Liu Jingji, and Rong Yiren to attend the meeting. On June 2, 1949, at the first symposium of representatives from the business community in New Shanghai held at the Bank of China Building, Mayor Chen Yi delivered the first sentence of his speech, which was "Friends from the business community!" From the phrase "Friends," to the party's business policy of "balancing public and private interests, promoting labor and capital, developing production, and prospering the economy," to the sincere expression that "the people's government hopes that business friends can resume production as soon as possible. If you have difficulties, the government will help you solve them." Mayor Chen Yi's speech resolved the serious and solemn expressions and entanglements in the hearts of business representatives. Many attending delegates reflected that the impression this meeting gave them was completely different from the bureaucratic style of the Kuomintang mayor in the past. After this symposium, Rong Yiren held a family banquet and invited Mayor Chen Yi to attend, which achieved a beautiful story in the history of Shanghai's united front work. A symposium and a family banquet communicated the connection between the party, government, and the business community.

Today, we review this period of history, which has important theoretical and practical significance for doing well the united front work in the non-public sector of the economy in the new era, better promoting the high-quality development of the private economy, and promoting the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation in an all-round way with Chinese path to modernization.